ACHA PEACE BULLETIN
http://www.groups.yahoo.com/group/ACHAPeaceBulletin
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A publication of Association for Communal
Harmony in Asia (ACHA)
www.asiapeace.org & www.indiapakistanpeace.org
Editor:
Pritam K. Rohila, PhD asiapeace@comcast.net
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Volume XII, No. 3,
______________________________________________________________________________
CONTENTS
EDITORIAL
*Peace: Whose responsibility is it? Pritam K. Rohila, Ph. D.
LETTERS
*Shared
heritage of Indians and Pakistanis, Dr. Ali Rizvi
AWARDS
*Lawyers & Judges of
BOOKS
*The Pathan Unarmed:
Opposition & Memory in the
CALL FOR PAPERS/PROPOSALS
*September
11-14,
EVENTS
*April
2008,
*April 6,
*October
4-7, Koach,
*
Religions
EVENT REPORTS
PEACE & HARMONY NEWS FROM
PEACE & HARMONY NEWS FROM
UPDATE:
UPDATE:
UPDATE:
UPDATE:
*The LTTE in Crisis, G. H. Peiris,
______________________________________________________________________________
EDITORIAL
*Peace: Whose responsibility is it? Pritam K. Rohila,
Ph. D.
It is not uncommon for us to
blame our governments and leaders for war, violence and conflict around us. But
governments can only negotiate peace treaties and make laws. They cannot make
peace yield its full dividend, without active involvement of common people.
As good citizens of our nations
and the world, we have to do more than just talk about peace. Peace
demonstrations and vigils are okay, but not sufficient by themselves.
We have to believe in and act
peace in our daily life. We have to open up our hearts to others. We have to
welcome people from across our borders, even if they speak a different
language, or pray to the God of a different name. We have to embrace people in
our neighborhoods and in our local communities irrespective of their beliefs or
social station. And we have to respect members of our own families regardless
of their gender or age.
From our hearts, we need to
drive out the demons of anger, hate, prejudice and despair, and replace them
with the angels of love, fairness and hope.
Making peace and living in peace
with others around us is not easy. As Immanuel Kant in his 1795 essay,
“Perpetual Peace,” opined, for peace we have to strive hard.
The sooner we start the easier
and better it will be for all of us.
LETTERS
*Shared heritage of Indians
and Pakistanis, Dr. Ali Rizvi AARIZVI@aol.com
My parents are from
It was a life-changing
experience for us; one that I had never expected would impact us so much. I
think broadening our visit to include both countries was the key. What I took
away from our trip was this: the people of the subcontinent have so much in
common: a shared heritage of land, history, language, culture, traditions,
music, food, dress,...yes! even
our thoughts and goals......I could go on and on. Our common themes are
stronger and more numerous than our differences (even the latter are merely a
manifestation of our richness and diversity, as I see it). It is sad that at
times we have chosen to accentuate our presumed differences to the extent of
going to war, launching an arms race, and fan the flames of hatred.
Yet, when I reflect upon our
recent first-hand interactions with the "men (and women) on the
street", and as long as the spirit of our common humanity is alive,
I see cause for hope. I wish ordinary citizens could change things....and
perhaps they can, by refusing to bow to fear, ignorance, and prejudice. I
am reminded of these lines by Omar Khayyam,
"Ah
love! Could thou and I with fate conspire
To
grasp this sorry scheme of things entire
Would
not we shatter it to pieces, and then
Re-mould
it nearer to the heart's desire"!
AWARDS
*Lawyers
& Judges of
According to the announcement by T. Kumar (tkumar@aiusa.org), its Advocacy
Director for Asia & Pacific, Amnesty International (www.amnestyusa.org), at its meeting
on
1) Amnesty International US Salutes the Lawyers Movement of
2) Amnesty International
BOOKS
*The Pathan Unarmed: Opposition & Memory in the
Review by Akbar S. Ahmed,
In 1973 I found
myself in a vast sea of humanity in
Mukulika
Banerjee, in The Pathan Unarmed, throws light on Ghaffar Khan, also
known as Bacha Khan or, in India, as the Frontier Gandhi, and on the Khudai
Khidmatgar, or the “servants of God,” movement. An anthropologist, Banerjee
explores the important question of how a warlike society can produce a leader
like Bacha Khan, dedicated to nonviolence.
Banerjee
argues—correctly—that Bacha Khan drew not from Gandhian thought but on the
ideology of the movement, a combination of Islam and Pukhtunwali, the
code of the Pathans. Ultimately, Bacha Khan would appeal to the Pathans’ sense
of religious tradition and honor: “Have some sense of honor … in the cause of
Islam” (p. 154). For Pathans, the Gandhian inspiration was weak, and their own
traditions contained solutions for their problems. Banerjee points out how the
movement struggled to remain aloof from the communal violence as religious
conflict intensified over the 1930s until the creation of
In the 1930s
Bacha Khan and his followers faced a total ban, imprisonment, and confiscation
of property. Houses were burned and crops destroyed. Entire villages were
blockaded, and demonstrating volunteers were often fired on and killed. In the
In 1947 Bacha
Khan once again displayed wisdom and moral courage. He refused to be part of
the referendum in the NWFP, arguing that agitation would lead to violence and
bloodshed. On the creation of
Honored in
Unfortunately,
in Banerjee’s book there are a few spelling mistakes of important terms and
incorrect definitions that need to be corrected. Some examples: the North-West
Frontier Province, or the NWFP, was never called the North West Frontier; the
word for an elder is mashar, not mushar; zakat, one of the
five pillars of Islam, requires that two and a half percent of earnings and
wealth be paid to the community and not 10 percent; the word for funeral is janaza,
not jehnaza. In addition, there are bibliographic errors. For example,
my book Resistance and Control in Pakistan, about the South Waziristan
Agency, is cited as having been published in 1985, rather than in 1991, the
correct year.
In spite of the
errors, Banerjee’s book is a good read, raising important theoretical
questions. It is written with passion and intelligence. Bacha Khan’s message of
nonviolence and compassion is more relevant than ever before, given that after
September 2001 Islam is universally identified with violence and terrorism.
CALL
FOR PAPERS/PROPOSALS
*September 11-14, Portland, Oregon, USA: BUILDING CULTURES OF PEACE is theme of the 6th Annual Conference of the Peace and Justice Studies Association to be held in conjunction with the Peace and Conflict Studies Consortium of Portland State University.
Also,
for the first time, women’s issues will be one of the focuses at this
conference. To fulfill this purpose, we are looking for proposals specifically addressing
women’s issues in the pursuit of peace and justice. We specifically would like
to find proposals which discuss gender violence both domestic and
international, especially with programming and techniques for reducing gender
violence and empowering women.
Other
areas of interest for the conference include Peace Education in Colleges and
Universities; Peace Education from Birth through High School; Race, Class and
Intersectionality; Art, Media and Communications; Responding to Genocide and
War; Theories of Nonviolence and Conflict Resolution; Grassroots Organizing,
Coalitions and Movements; Environmental Sustainability and Alternative Futures;
Faith and Peace; Film; Authorial Book Readings.
Proposals
may be made in the form of 1) research papers, 2) workshops, 3) roundtable
discussions, or 4) other presentations (such as those associated with posters
or film screenings). You will need to submit an abstract of no more than 300
words along with your contact details and the preferred format of your proposal.
Undergraduates
in particular are encouraged to submit proposals for the student poster
session.
As
the PJSA mission statement says, "We are dedicated to bringing together
academics, K-12 teachers and grassroots activists to explore alternatives to violence
and share visions and strategies for peace-building, social justice, and social
change." Therefore, we seek contributions that explore how to build a
culture of peace in research, teaching and action.
Proposals
are invited by April 1, 2008.DEADLINE for submission
of proposals is
For
more information, please contact me at jvcphd@gmail.com
but do not submit proposals via this address. Proposals will only be accepted
through the online form available at:
http://www.peacejusticestudies.org/conference/submitprop.php.
EVENTS
*April 2008,
Arts, has issued a call for papers. Prospective presenters are requested to
contact Fazal at fazzur@gmail.com
*April 6,
interfaith service being sponsored by the Oneness Coalition at
m. and will feature songs, readings and other inspiration from
Hindu, Jewish, Catholic,
Protestant, Buddhist, Sikh, Muslim, Baha'i
and Native American faith traditions. More info from
Curt McCormack kerceykent@yahoo.com
*October 4-7, Koach, Kerala,
India: SPIRITUALITY AND ENVIRONMENT is theme of the World Fellowship of
Inter-Religious Councils (WFIRC) Assembly 2008, at the Renewal Centre,Azad Road, Koach-682017 in Kerala,
India. Registration fee is Rs. 500 to meet the expenses, in part, of boarding and lodging.
More info from Justice P.K.Shamsuddin, President WFIRC, S.R.M.Road, Kochi-682018, Kerala, India, Tel.
0484-402993/9446572993, pkshamsuddin@rediffmail.com, and Fr. Albert Nambiaparambil
cmi, Secretary General, WFIRC,
Upasana,Thodupuzha-685 584, Kerala, India, Tel 04862-223286/9446131173, upasanadr@dataone.in & Upasana_dr@satyam.net.in
*December 3-9, 2009, Melbourne, Australia: The 2009 Parliament of the World’s
Religions, will bring
together the world’s religious and spiritual communities,
their leaders and their followers to a gathering where peace, diversity and
sustainability are discussed and explored in the context of interreligious
understanding and cooperation.
Parliament
participants will work with others and within their own traditions to craft
faithful responses to:
More info from http://www.parliamentofreligions2009.org/home.php
EVENT
REPORTS
*February
17, 2008, Toronto, ON, Canada: Faiz Peace Festival On Saturday last, February 16th 2008 , at
the Port Credit Secondary School in Mississauga , 600 people - including many
full families - gathered to celebrate the memory of the revolutionary Urdu poet
Faiz Ahmad Faiz (1911-1984). It was the first Faiz Peace Festival to be held
outside
PEACE & HARMONY NEWS FROM
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/IndiaPakistanPeaceDay/
PEACE & HARMONY NEWS FROM
http://groups.google.com/group/peace--harmony-news-from-south-asia
UPDATE:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/KashmirSolutionsForum/
UPDATE:
http://www.sajaforum.org/2008/02/nepal-time-asia.html
UPDATE:
*Beena Sarwar updates http://groups.yahoo.com/group/beena-issues/
*Free and
Fair Election Network (FAFEN),
*Pakistan Elections Commission http://ecp.gov.pk/content/GE2008.htm
*http://www.teeth.com.pk/blog/
UPDATE:
*The
LTTE in Crisis, G. H.
Peiris, (Professor Emeritus of the University of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka), South
Asia Intelligence Review, Volume 6, No. 35, March 10, 2008.
In the
past few weeks there have been many media reports that point to the prevalence
of confusion and disarray among the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE/Tigers) in the face of heavy losses
inflicted by the armed forces of the Government of Sri Lanka. Apart from many
references to injury sustained by the LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran in the
course of an aerial bombardment in November 2007, there was some speculation
that he may even have died. [Claims of Prabhakaran’s death may be set to rest
after Prabhakaran’s ‘public appearance’ at the funeral of the pro-LTTE Tamil
National Alliance Member of Parliament, P. Sivanesan, in the rebel-held Wanni
area, of which the LTTE released photographs on March 9, 2008]. The
specificities that embellish these reports, though ignored by spokesmen for the
LTTE, have been refuted with disdain by several pro-LTTE writers. Given the
questionable credibility of ‘news’ originating from either side of the great
divide, it has seldom been possible to sort out the truth from fiction in the
stories on the confrontational aspects of the Sri Lankan conflict. What can,
consequently, be attempted is, first, to contextualise the recent surge of
media attention on turbulences in the shrinking Tiger habitat of the ‘Vanni’ in
northern Sri Lanka, without speculating on whether its leader is dead or dying
or hibernating prior to a deadly leap at the jugular, and then, to synthesise
the information on what prevails at present, extractable from sources less
contaminated by propaganda objectives.
In the
chequered history of the LTTE spanning the past three decades during which
Prabhakaran has held sway as its supreme leader, there have been several spells
over which its insurrectionary capacity suffered serious setbacks. Prominent
among such recessions were: the brief eclipse of the LTTE in the aftermath of
the Indian peace-keeping intervention in 1987; the worldwide anti-Tiger
revulsion evoked by the assassination of former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv
Gandhi in 1991; the strategic losses consequent upon its expulsion by the Sri
Lankan armed forces from the Jaffna peninsula in 1995; the constraining effects
on its international operations generated by the global tide of hostility
towards terrorism following the al-Qaeda attack on the United States in 2001;
and, more far-reaching in impact than any other, the internal revolt led by
‘Colonel Karuna’ in March 2004. The impression conveyed by the experiences in
each of these episodes, however, is that the LTTE possessed the inner
resilience and the external support required for recovery, if not entirely
unscathed, at least with sufficient strength to persist with its campaign of
warfare and terror. By contrast, the losses suffered in the more recent past
appear to constitute an irreversible and aggravating trend featured by
indications that could well portend a final collapse.
Despite
the weakening of its grip on the eastern lowlands that resulted from the
calamitous breakaway of the Karuna group, the LTTE leadership persisted with
unswerving commitment to its goal of establishing a sovereign Tamil
nation-state – ‘Eelam’ – encompassing the entire ‘northeast’ of Sri Lanka, the
pledges of the ceasefire agreement of February 2000 notwithstanding. As in
earlier times, its efforts were directed mainly at enhancement of military
strength, expanding the territory under its control in the Northern and Eastern
provinces and eliminating its rivals in that part of the country, mobilising
international support for its cause, and destabilising the Government of Sri
Lanka through carefully regulated intimidation and terror. That instigating a
Sinhalese backlash of violence against the Tamils living outside the northeast
– a re-enactment of 1983 – also remained a prime objective was underscored by
the assassination of
Colombo-based
politics of the country during this period remained in a state of flux,
featured by both frequent changes of the power configuration as well as intense
electoral rivalry. Given the fact that the release of the foreign aid pledged
by the donors remained conditional on progress being made towards a negotiated
settlement of the conflict, Government policy had to accommodate two mutually
conflicting needs – that of strengthening security and defence in the face of
the mounting Tiger threat, on the one hand, and persistence with credible peace
overtures to the LTTE, on the other. The latter encountered the almost
insurmountable problem of fierce inter-party dissension on what could be
offered to the Tigers without endangering the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of
On the
eve of the presidential election of November 2005 Prabhakaran enforced a
boycott of the polls in the north and parts of the eastern lowlands where Ranil
Wickremasinghe, former Prime Minister and a frontrunner of the presidential
stakes, would have attracted substantially more support than his rival Mahinda
Rajapakse. This decision appears, in retrospect, to have been a monumental
blunder that marks the onset of a drastic change in the fortunes of
Prabhakaran’s Eelam campaign. The boycott decision was evidently based upon the
premise that Wickremasinghe, hailed internationally as the ‘peace candidate’,
if elected, would, with his commitment to power-sharing under a federal system
of Government, place in serious jeopardy the case for a secessionist campaign.
Prabhakaran’s expectation was that Rajapakse, if successful in his presidential
bid, backed as he was by electoral allies vehemently opposed to a political
compromise involving devolution of power to the northeast, would actually
attempt to implement his campaign pledges to jettison the ceasefire agreement,
to evict the "White Tigers" (Norwegians) from their role as
facilitators of peace negotiations, and to discard the notion of LTTE being the
sole representative of the Tamils. Such a hawkish approach, the LTTE leadership
believed, would pave the way for a resumption of military confrontations in
earnest, backed by vastly enhanced international sympathy and support for the
rebels’ cause.
Having
contributed to Rajapakse’s victory at the election, the LTTE leaders began to
test the resolve of the new President. Thus, while articulating with greater
vehemence than ever before their earlier demands for Government intervention in
disarming the Karuna group, and for constitutional power over the northeast
pending a final resolution of the conflict, they launched a series of guerrilla
attacks and acts of terrorism which, in April 2006, reached the heart of
Colombo’s defence establishment in the near-successful attempt to assassinate
the Commander of the Sri Lanka Army, Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka.
The
sharply escalating level of violence did not evoke a retaliatory response from
the Government, at least for some time. Rajapakse persisted with his pursuit of
peace, risking, in the process, the support of some of his parliamentary
allies. He established an ‘All-Party Representative Committee’ tasked with
formulating constitutional reforms based on the axiom of devolution. He backed
the Norwegian efforts at facilitating fresh peace negotiations, expressing a
solemn hope that the brief meeting between delegates of the Government and the
LTTE staged at
The
repercussions of Prabhakaran’s capricious gamble at the presidential polls soon
instilled into his strategy a sense of desperation. This found expression in a
series of ‘Sea Tiger’ attacks (including an act of piracy) that evoked
strictures from several quarters including the Secretary General of the UN and
the Head of the Scandinavian ‘Ceasefire Monitoring Mission’ stationed in